Moral leadership matters. As world politics enters a new and dangerous era, judgment, constancy, moral purpose, and a willingness to overcome partisan politicking are essential for America's leaders. Tempered Strength finds the alternative standard of leadership that Americans are seeking in the classical philosophy of prudence. Ethan Fishman's new work brings together leading American political scientists—including Ronald Beiner, Kenneth L. Deutsch, and George Anastaplo—to discuss the evolution of a standard of prudential leadership both reasonable in nature and practical in scope. (...) Section One studies the meaning of prudence and its evolution in the history of political science from Aristotelian phronesis to Xenophon, Thomas Aquinas, Edmund Burke, and Michael Oakeshott. Section Two demonstrates how the theory of prudential leadership can be applied to practical political issues. (shrink)

Two centuries after Edmund Burke published his Reflections on the Revolution in France, his name and reputation stand alongside Locke, Montesquieu, and Hume - the other still-cited grand political thinkers of the eighteenth century. For those great nations that have fallen into what Burke called "the antagonist world of madness, discord, vice, confusion and unavailing sorrow," the work of Burke supplies that sense of order, justice and freedom the present age seems to require. This volume by Peter Stanlis has grown (...) out of almost four decades of studying Burke. Today, Professor Stanlis is called by Russell Kirk "the leading American authority on the political thought of the great conservative reformer." The book is divided into three categories: Burke on law and politics; Burke's criticism of Enlightenment rationalism and sensibility; and Burke's theory of revolution and critique of the English revolution of 1688. Stanlis' reasons' for linking Burke to the English Revolution rather than the later, and admittedly more decisive American and French Revolutions of his own time, is that for Burke, that earlier event was the normative pivot for judging how to make important changes in civil society. Indeed, even in his writings on the contemporary revolutions of his time,. Stanlis reminds us that Burke interpreted revolutionary events in France and Americas through the prism of the bloodless Revolution of 1688. (shrink)

Robert Frost is by far the most celebrated major American poet of the twentieth century. In part, this is because his poetry seems, on the surface, to be so accessible, even homey. But Frost was not just a powerful writer of popular lyric and narrative verse, argues Peter J. Stanlis in this major contribution to American literary study and philosophy. Rather, his work is deeply rooted in a complex philosophical dualism that opposes both idealistic monism, centered in spirit, and scientific (...) positivism, which posits that the universe can be understood as nothing but matter. In _Robert Frost: The Poet as Philosopher,_ Stanlis shows how Frost’s philosophical dualism of spirit and matter is perceived through metaphors and applied to science, religion, art, education, and society. He further argues that Frost’s dualism provides a critique of the monistic forces that were instrumental in the triumph of twentieth-century totalitarianism. Thoroughly informed by his twenty-three year friendship and correspondence with Frost, Stanlis’s landmark volume is the first attempt to deal with the poet’s philosophy in a systematic manner. It will appeal not only to fans of Frost but to all who understand poetry as a form of revelation for understanding human nature. (shrink)

For a hundred years up to the middle of the twentieth century, when utilitarianism, empiricism, and logical positivism ruled over studies of Burke, and the great authorities on his thought and politics were Henry T. Buckle, John Morley, Sir Leslie Stephen, Charles E. Vaughan, John MacCunn, Elie Halévy, and George Sabine, it was unthinkable to approach Burke as anything but a secular Whig politician, a mere political party activist with great literary skills. Burke's statement that the true statesman is "the (...) philosopher in action," and all of his many explicit appeals to moral natural law and to God as the Divine origin of civil society, were dismissed by these scholars as so much hot air and empty or meaningless rhetoric. All of the writers in the tradition of Morley assumed that Burke was a nominalist, that his philosophical roots were in keeping with William of Occam by way of his seventeenth-century heirs, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, and in the liberal Whig tradition of the eighteenth century. These scholars interpreted Burke's politics on such subjects as the "state of nature," the social contract, political sovereignty, the moral nature of man, and his view of history, as strictly in accordance with the nominalist theory of reality, which denied any universal truths. (shrink)